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this abolitionist soon became the haitian ambassador

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Frederick Douglass and American Empire in Haiti

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  • Summary: Articles about Frederick Douglass and American Empire in Haiti It continued a policy of sending Black ambassadors that began when the … Douglass’s early days in the U.S. legation were long and tedious, …

  • Match the search results: In the introduction to the 1962 edition of The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Pan-African historian Rayford W. Logan noted that the imbroglio of Douglass’s ambassadorship anticipated twentieth-century political debates concerning the appointment of African American ambassadors to postcolonial…

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Ebenezer Bassett – Wikipedia

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  • Summary: Articles about Ebenezer Bassett – Wikipedia Ebenezer Don Carlos Bassett (October 16, 1833 – November 13, 1908) was United States Ambassador to Haiti from 1869 to 1877. … An educator, abolitionist, and civil rights activist, Bassett was the …

  • Match the search results: Ebenezer Don Carlos Bassett (October 16, 1833 – November 13, 1908) was United States Ambassador to Haiti from 1869 to 1877. He was the first African American diplomat and the fourth U.S. ambassador to Haiti since the two countries established relations in 1862. His mother was Pequot.[1] From…

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‘The Greatest Heist In History’: How Haiti Was Forced To Pay …

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  • Summary: Articles about ‘The Greatest Heist In History’: How Haiti Was Forced To Pay … Ambassador Daniel Foote, who was appointed by President Biden as the U.S. … Haiti during the early 19th century and violently occupied the …

  • Match the search results: Haiti, then known as Saint-Domingue, had been the crown jewel of the French empire. It was the most lucrative colony in the whole world. French planters forced African slaves to produce sugar, coffee, and other cash crops for the global market. The system seemed to work well. That is, until the Fren…

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Frederick Douglass – Narrative, Quotes & Facts – HISTORY

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  • Summary: Articles about Frederick Douglass – Narrative, Quotes & Facts – HISTORY Frederick Douglass was an escaped slave who became a prominent activist, author and public speaker. He became a leader in the abolitionist …

  • Match the search results: Frederick Douglass was a formerly enslaved man who became a prominent activist, author and public speaker. He became a leader in the abolitionist movement, which sought to end the practice of slavery, before and during the Civil War. After that conflict and the Emancipation Proclamation of 1862, he …

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Frederick Douglass and American Empire in Haiti – Boston …

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  • Summary: Articles about Frederick Douglass and American Empire in Haiti – Boston … At the age of seventy-one, Frederick Douglass was appointed ambassador to the Republic of Haiti by the administration of U.S. president …

  • Match the search results: Douglass arrived in Haiti in September 1899 just as a new president, Louis Modestin Florvil Hyppolite, was inaugurated. Hyppolite’s ascent to the presidency was contested and controversial. A general who had wrested control of the Haitian government from President François Denys Légitime after helpi…

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Underground Railroad Digital Classroom: Profiles – House …

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  • Summary: Articles about Underground Railroad Digital Classroom: Profiles – House … Once in Philadelphia, the Crafts became popular abolitionist speakers. … in Washington D.C. under President Hayes, and then as the ambassador to Haiti.

  • Match the search results: Martin Delany (1812-1885), was an accomplished and controversial man. Delany was a jack-of-all trades. He studied for a time at Harvard Medical School before he was expelled for being black. Thereafter, he became an advocate for voluntary colonization. His advocacy led him to write extensively a…

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Haiti and the Early United States – Oxford Research …

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  • Summary: Articles about Haiti and the Early United States – Oxford Research … But the impact of the Haitian Revolution was most tangible in areas like … the early political scene and where the full abolition of slavery did not take …

  • Match the search results: Haiti (known as Saint-Domingue until it gained its independence from France in 1804) had a noted economic and political impact on the United States during the era of the American Revolution, when it forced U.S. statesmen to confront issues they had generally avoided, most prominently racism and slav…

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A History of United States Policy Towards Haiti – Brown …

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  • Summary: Articles about A History of United States Policy Towards Haiti – Brown … Haiti became the first modern state to abolish slavery, the first state in the … Since the late 19th century and early 20th century, the United States …

  • Match the search results: Haiti declared its independence from France on January 1st, 1804. From 1791 to 1804, the slaves of Haiti, then known as the French colony Saint-Domingue, fought off their French slave owners. France fought to hold on to Haiti, as it was their wealthiest colony, exporting sugar, indigo, and coffee. I…

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Frederick Douglass: Abolitionist, Journalist, Reformer, 1818

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  • Summary: Articles about Frederick Douglass: Abolitionist, Journalist, Reformer, 1818 Born a slave, Douglass escaped to freedom in his early twenties. … freedom and became one of the most prominent abolitionists of his day, …

  • Match the search results: The performance is a powerful story of Frederick Douglass, the American slave who escaped to freedom and became one of the most prominent abolitionists of his day, famous for his fiery oratory. It details Douglass’ early years as a slave and the relationship to his later vision.

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On US and Haiti Relations: The Ties that Bind – Council of …

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  • Summary: Articles about On US and Haiti Relations: The Ties that Bind – Council of … Haiti is the last country I will serve as a United States diplomat abroad and it was one of the first places I served early in my career.

  • Match the search results: Our shared ideas of freedom, liberty, and rights go way back in time, and Haitians and Americans share a deep understanding of the word “independence.” Haiti fought hard for her freedom and became the world’s first free black nation in 1804. During our War of Independence, over 500…

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Cassius Marcellus Clay, fiery Kentucky abolitionist – National …

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  • Summary: Articles about Cassius Marcellus Clay, fiery Kentucky abolitionist – National … He was appointed by Lincoln to be United States Ambassador to Russia. … in Haiti and the Radical Republicans’ plans for Reconstruction.

  • Match the search results: Clay—featured on the National Constitution Center’s American National Tree, part of its main exhibit—was born in Kentucky and resided there for most of his life. Although his family had owned slaves, Clay became an abolitionist early in his life after hearing a speech by William Ll…

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Frederick Douglass – White House Historical Association

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  • Summary: Articles about Frederick Douglass – White House Historical Association Douglass was highly active in the abolitionist movement and became one of its … of the abolitionist movement and ambassador to the black republic, Haiti.

  • Match the search results: In 1889 President Benjamin Harrison appointed him Minister to Haiti, a post he held until 1891. Citing Haiti’s revolution, Douglass constantly emphasized the connections between its origins and America’s. These positions were among the highest an African American man had been appointed two in the 19…

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Slavery’s last stronghold – CNN

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  • Summary: Articles about Slavery’s last stronghold – CNN This was 2007, shortly before Mauritania passed a law criminalizing slavery. After that law went into effect, the government embarked on a campaign to prove …

  • Match the search results: It’s the tale of how a slave owner becomes an abolitionist.

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Ebenezer Bassett – State Magazine

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  • Summary: Articles about Ebenezer Bassett – State Magazine By Christopher Teal. When President Ulysses S. Grant appointed Ebenezer D. Bassett as Minister Resident (Ambassador) to Haiti in 1869, Bassett made history.

  • Match the search results: Soon after graduation, Bassett left Connecticut to become principal of a Philadelphia high school, the Institute of Colored Youth. Bassett pushed students into greater political awareness and invited abolitionist leaders, such as Frederick Douglass, to give lectures. In the years before the Civil Wa…

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Five Abolitionists | American Experience | Official Site | PBS

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  • Summary: Articles about Five Abolitionists | American Experience | Official Site | PBS As Douglass’s Narrative became a bestseller, he was treated by his British hosts not just as an equal, but as a celebrity. Shortly after his return to the U.S. …

  • Match the search results: In 1835, Garrison was nearly lynched during a confrontation with an angry mob in Boston. The event shook him deeply. Over time, as the abolitionists met resistance and violence in both the North and the South, Garrison came to see the Constitution itself as corrupt. He insisted that abolitionists re…

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Frederick Douglass: The slave who became a statesman

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  • Summary: Articles about Frederick Douglass: The slave who became a statesman Abolitionist and former slave Frederick Douglass. … Frederick Douglass became an abolitionist, orator, writer, statesman and ambassador.

  • Match the search results: Though he started life as a slave, Frederick Douglass became an abolitionist, orator, writer, statesman and ambassador. He liberated himself in 1838 and in 1845 published his first autobiography, “Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave,” (The Anti-Slavery Office, 1845). The b…

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Olaudah Equiano (1745-1797) • – Blackpast

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  • Summary: Articles about Olaudah Equiano (1745-1797) • – Blackpast This abolitionist-supported venture would create the West African nation of Sierra Leone. At first pleased with the position, Equiano soon began …

  • Match the search results: By 1777 at the age of 32, Equiano, after having mastered reading, writing and arithmetic, purchased his freedom.  He settled in England, befriended Granville Sharp, the first prominent British abolitionist, and soon became a leader of the emerging anti-slavery movement.  Equiano presented one of the…

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Multi-read content this abolitionist soon became the haitian ambassador

Towards the end of his life, Frederick Douglass served briefly as the United States Ambassador to Haiti. The cataclysmic episode reveals much about the country’s long struggle for black sovereignty while constantly threatened by the US empire.

By Peter James Hudson, Boston Review –

At the age of 71, Frederick Douglass was appointed Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti by the administration of US President Benjamin Harrison. Douglass helped Harrison in the 1888 presidential election, and the position was a reward for the senior abolitionists. However, Douglass’ brief writing period – from late 1889 to the summer of 1891 – was an utter failure. It tarnished the later days of Douglas’s venerable career and was viewed as a misfortune by many of his contemporaries, as well as later critics and biographers.

Douglass’ personal account reveals the intense negotiations faced by blacks who have chosen to serve the ends of American imperialism.

At the time, the Harrison administration was attempting to blame Douglass for the defeat. However, Douglass’ personal account of those years reveals the intense negotiations faced by blacks who chose to serve the cause of American imperialism. His narrative also reveals that historically, unbridled familism and disdain for bullying have shaped and governed the United States’ “diplomatic relations” with the independent black nation, first in the hemisphere. In it we can also see the premise for a century of US elections and financial interference in Haiti, which has led to an economic downturn and undermined its sovereignty – and now civil war. Douglass’ report reveals as much about the relationship between the United States and Haiti now as it did in the past.

***

When Harrison ran as the Republican candidate in the 1888 general election, Douglass’ support was a major factor in securing Northern Negro votes and defeating a black congressional candidate against Harrison’s men in Virginia. When Harrison won, Douglass hoped for a reward for his service. Instead, Secretary of State James G. Blaine offered him the post of permanent resident and consul general to the Republic of Haiti, later adding the list of chargé d’affaires of Santo Domingo (capital of the Dominican Republic).

“My influence will, in the opinion of the President,” Douglass wrote in accepting the commission, “be the strongest influence we can send for the peace, welfare and prosperity of these warring and disgruntled people.” The State Department had other ideas about it Douglass’s influence in hopes of undermining Haiti’s independence while bolstering America’s expansion project in the Caribbean.

There was precedent for Douglass’ appointment. It continued the policy of sending black ambassadors that began when the United States officially—and belatedly—recognized Haiti and Liberia in 1862 (Haiti independent by 1804 and Liberia by 1847). Driven equally by nepotism and skepticism, the United States believed that appointing black diplomats would further strengthen its commercial and political ties with communist countries.

Despite this, Douglass’ appointment was met with criticism. Blacks felt the post was too small for a man of Douglass’ stature and argued that it should focus on black struggles in the United States. Many whites now believe Douglass’ race will bring him to the Haitian side. They argued that a white person should hold the position since Haitians would have less respect for an ambassador of their color.

The State Department hoped to use Douglass’ influence to undermine Haiti’s independence while bolstering America’s expansion project in the Caribbean.

Douglass ignored criticism from both sides – but harbingers of grief surrounded his date from the start. Despite his political views, Douglass’ bad luck meant he was unable to obtain first class accommodation on the voyage from Washington to Haiti. When Douglass refused to travel second class, the federal government ordered naval steamers to take him from Washington to Norfolk and then to Port-au-Prince. The white captain of one of the steamers, Ossipee, refused to eat at the same table as Douglass. Kearsarge’s officers complained that Douglass and his entourage had “evicted” the ship’s commander from his cabin. Adding to Douglass’ displeasure, he was seasick for most of the eleven days.

Douglass came to Haiti in September 1899 when a new president, Louis Modestin Florvil Hyppolite, was sworn in. Hyppolite’s rise to the presidency was controversial and controversial. A general who wrested control of the Haitian government from President François Denys Légitime after assisting in a coup against him; Hyppolite’s power was blessed by President Harrison and reinforced by a fleet of ships. The US Navy anchored in Haitian waters. Douglass cited the tense political situation in the country, the conspicuous presence of soldiers on the streets of Port-au-Prince, the extension of the curfew and the chronic fear that the anti-hyppolitan faction could turn against the government at any time. But Douglass’ letters to Secretary Blaine also contained a hopeful, positive tone about the Republic’s political prospects. Douglass’ original subject in Hypopolite was a generous, generous man. There, Hyppolite told him how all Haitians had followed the cause of Douglass and that to Haitians Douglass represented “the moral and intellectual growth of the people of the race “Africa through individual effort and spiritual culture”.

Douglass’ early days in the US Army were long and tedious, and he often returned to the ambassador’s residence just after dark. He is passionate about both participating in small claims by the American community in Haiti and helping American companies negotiate concessions and contracts involving monetary claims against the Haitian government, and in some cases enforcing claims. William P. Clyde and Company initiated the most important of these efforts. Clyde and Company is a trading company headquartered in New York. Its Clyde service operated along the coast to several Atlantic ports, connecting Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. The company wanted to gain a foothold in the Caribbean by expanding its business into Haiti and offering steamboat cruises between New York and seven Haitian ports.

Douglass was not fundamentally opposed to the company’s ambitions. He sees increased maritime traffic between Haiti and the United States as a potential boon for both countries’ trade. But he was defeated by the terms Clyde and Company demanded: a reduction in port taxes and tonnage dues on US ships, a monopoly on steamship traffic, and a $1 million subsidy (the figure was later halved) from the Haitian government. as an incentive to start the service.

Additionally, Douglass became increasingly disgusted with the “authoritarian attitude” of Clyde’s agent, a native of South Carolina, who made no attempt to hide his disdain for Haitians — or for Douglass. He asked Douglass to intervene personally with the Haitian government through Joseph Anténor Firmin, a great Haitian intellectual and statesman who later served as Secretary of State for Foreign Relations in the Hypopolite government. Firmin is firmly against the concession. He sees it as a drain on Haitian coffers, especially given other claims by US citizens about Haiti’s resources and finances. When informed of Firmin’s whereabouts, the agent urged Douglass to return to Firmin and seek assurances that if Clyde accepted concessions, Douglass “would not pressure Haiti over the claims of many other US citizens.”

Douglass was appalled. “I was shocked by the proposal,” he later recalled. “Sounds like Satan’s words on the mountain and I think it’s time to stop.”

Douglass thought US imperialism would benefit US foreign policy. But Douglass is also aware of the moral limitations of American exceptionalism and warns against its abuse.

Douglass closed negotiations, deeming the matter settled. However, the agent persisted. He returned to Douglass with another proposal — an even more shocking and outlandish proposal: to require the Haitian government to pay Clyde and Company the costs incurred by the firm to get approval. Douglass replied to the agent with a witty but interrupted reply: “Well then, sir, since they won’t let you put a hot poker on their back, do you mean to make them pay for it? It says!”

Douglass figured the Haitians would find the proposal ridiculous — and was shocked when they agreed to the company’s request, paying Clyde and the company $5,000 in gold. But even after the payment was received, the agent continued to pressure the Haitian government. For Douglass, the agent’s actions demonstrated American capitalism’s bewildering indifference to the needs of the Haitian republic and the ravages of Haitian sovereignty:

For him there is nothing Haiti devastated by repeated revolutions; nothing to make them falter under the weight of a high national debt; in no case should she be the best judge of her ability to put half a million dollars into the new business and doubt her; nothing had she heard his arguments more than a hundred times; Nothing she feels she needs her money for more than the proposed investment in this steamboat subsidy on his recommendation; There was nothing she had specifically said to him that she was afraid to add to her new and terrible cash load – and nothing she had just paid him five thousand dollars in gold to get rid of his import opportunity.

Douglas’ refusal to press for Clyde’s concessions to the Haitian government – and his apparent resentment of the agent – set him apart as he later said “a man full of I’m not for profit”. The incident made it known to many in the US business community that Douglass’ “excessive affection for the Haitian people” was affecting the United States’ ability to conduct business bidding in Haiti. Douglass wrote, “I’m more Haitian than American.”

The American press (encouraged, Douglass suspected, by Clyde himself) agitated him, demanding his removal from the Haitian Legion. His masters in Washington were beginning to think he couldn’t be trusted. Blaine considered calling Douglass back but hesitated, concerned about the potential political danger among African Americans. He decided to keep Douglass stationed in Haiti. But he severely curtailed Douglas’s powers as representative of the United States state and pushed him into a diplomatic relationship that for many Americans had tarnished the final days of Douglass’ career and damaged his legacy as a statesman: the United States’ temptation of the states to secure the long-term lease of Mole-Saint-Nicolas Haiti.

***

Located on the northwestern tip of Haiti, about a hundred miles from Cuba’s Guantanamo Bay, Mole-Saint-Nicolas has long been coveted by the United States. She guarded the shipping lanes between the Atlantic and the Caribbean Seas and from the Caribbean Sea to the Isthmus of Panama and the Pacific Ocean. For US politicians, it represents an important avenue to secure commercial and military dominance over the Caribbean, particularly given plans to create the Panama Canal.

Driven equally by nepotism and skepticism, the United States believed that appointing black diplomats would further strengthen its commercial and political ties with communist countries.

On January 1, 1891, Secretary Blaine wrote to Douglass directing him to begin negotiations with the Haitian government to secure a long-term contract with Mole-Saint-Nicolas for use by the United States as a coal and naval station. At the same time, to Douglass’ surprise and annoyance, Blaine informed Douglass that his role in the negotiations would be a minor one. Blaine appointed Post Admiral Bancroft Gherardi, commander of the North Atlantic Fleet, to lead the negotiating team. Douglass acted merely as a support for the negro in the negotiations.

From the moment Gherardi arrived in Port-au-Prince with the US fleet in late January, Douglass’ degraded role was clear. Gherardi sent an officer to the American Corps and asked Douglass to be present at the audience with Gherardi aboard the Philadelphia. It was a gross violation of diplomatic protocol; Hierarchical ritual required Douglass to receive Gherardi at the Legion. The subpoena is intended to confirm Douglass’ loss of power in Washington and, by extension, in Haiti – but it also sheds light on the deeply racist nature of the US diplomatic infrastructure and its poor position, doldrums and insecurity of Douglass within it.

Douglass overcame the humiliation and boarded the ship. There Gherardi informed Douglass about his negotiation strategy. Douglass listened while considering whether to step down. Only his sense of loyalty to the United States and the Harrison government deterred him.

For the US, the negotiations were a disaster. When Douglass and Gherardi met Firmin and Hyppolite at the Presidential Palace to propose a lease, Gherardi argued that Hyppolite’s government owed the United States a debt and that the Molehill lease would work. Gherardi reminded Hypopolite that the United States was a great friend of his government and supported him diplomatically and militarily throughout his presidential bid. He also pointed out that Hyppolite’s envoys in Washington had promised to help the United States hire the mole if Hyppolite came to power. Douglass said little during the presentation.

Five days later, the United States made a formal request for a lease. To the surprise of Gherardi and Douglass, Firmin refused to consider the application. Firmin points out that the motion bears the signature of Gherardi, not Douglass, even though Douglass is the authorized representative of the United States in Haiti. He told them that since Gherardi had not submitted his Washington credentials to the Haitian government, it would be foolish for the Haitian government to look into it and not be able to present it to Haitian law enforcement.

Douglass has a deep understanding of the unique Haitian context in which the struggle for black freedom has shaken the white world to its foundations.

Gherardi was very upset. Though he believes Firmin has stalled for time, there is little he can do to speed up negotiations. He called Washington to request a diplomatic mandate letter. It took two months to arrive. When it arrived – on four warships of 100 guns and 2,000 men – it rocked the negotiations as it appeared the United States was preparing to take Mole Saint-Nicolas by force of arms. In addition, the letter authorizing Gherardi and Douglass to negotiate jointly proposes different lease terms than those put forward by Gherardi to Firmin and Hyppolite. Contrary to Gherardi’s proposal, the new lease does not prevent Haiti from selling its land or leasing its territory to countries other than the United States. Gherardi and Douglass debated which version to present to the Haitian government. Gherardi won the dispute.

On April 21, 1891, Douglass and Gherardi submitted a new hiring proposal to Firmin. The Haitian replied the next day and refused to grant it. Firmin argued that the terms of the lease would result in a profound erosion of Haitian independence, as they would effectively give up the republic’s sovereign right to dispose of its territory as it will. In the days that followed, Douglass asked Firmin if he would reconsider the charter if the US fleet withdrew from Haitian waters. Firmine is a nonmetal. But when the fleet left, the negotiations were over. Months later, Douglass resigned, to the great relief of Harrison and Blaine.

***

The United States’ failure to obtain a lease on Mole-Saint-Nicolas fell on Douglass’ shoulders. He was criticized in the press, who blamed him for the failure of the deal, while being seen as diplomatically incompetent. “Secretary Douglass,” wrote The New York Times, “is antiquated and unlikely to assist the government in any diplomatic matters.” The article argued that Douglass “due to age, inactivity, and temperamental limitations” had absolutely no depth in the negotiations had. It also revived the idea, raised when he was first posted to Haiti, that Haitians would have little respect for a black diplomat: “Fred Douglass” — a childhood taunt was the newspaper’s standard — “could be dated Ordinary Haitians are no more impressed than any other black man.”

However, Douglass knew that America’s failure had little to do with its efforts, or lack thereof. The continued failure of the Clyde negotiations made the Haitian government suspicious of the United States. The presence of US battleships in Haitian waters did not help the negotiations, but instead fueled public concern about the threat of military intervention and the surrender of Haiti’s sovereignty. “Given the acute sensitivity of a small nation in a world of predators,” writes Douglass, “Haiti fears that even if a foreign power were toe-clipping its territory, it would spell the end, the beginning, of its loss of sovereignty. ”

Furthermore, as historian Benjamin Quarles notes, the possibility of a lease “became no matter who represented the United States”. The Haitian constitution prohibits the sale or cession of territory to foreign powers, making the proposed deal illegal, and the Haitian public strongly supports the arrangement. Douglass wrote: “Nothing is more repugnant to the thoughts and feelings of the masses of this country than the alienation of a single group of their territories by a foreign power.”

Douglass was able to maintain his personal integrity while defending black sovereignty even while representing the United States. It’s an indictment of too many contemporary black politicians that they don’t.

As for the Clyde concessions, however, Douglass was not necessarily opposed to US bases on Haitian soil, and he was willing to go through appropriate diplomatic channels to try to secure a lease. When it comes to US foreign policy goals, Douglass sees US imperialism as advantageous and believes in the unmistakable legitimacy of American power. Indeed, Douglass was more sympathetic to American expansion and “the extension of American power and influence” in the Caribbean and elsewhere. He supported the annexation of Santo Domingo in the 1870s and welcomed US efforts to protect Samana Bay by the Dominican Republic for military purposes. Criticizing those who saw him as somehow undermining US foreign policy targets, Douglass said he understood the importance of US dominance in the Caribbean long before those who criticized him for “wearing their bras”.

But Douglass is also aware of the moral limitations of American exceptionalism and wary of its misuse – particularly in countries like Haiti, which lack the economic and military resources to make the most of it. His experiences as ambassador in Haiti taught him a lesson. “Is a country’s weakness a reason for us to take it away from us?” Douglas asked. “Are we exploiting not only his weakness but also his fears? Do we plunder in our own strength what we cannot achieve with its appeals to justice and reason? “

Douglass also has a deep understanding of the unique Haitian context, where the struggle for black freedom has shaken the white world to its core; Her mere presence at the table of liberal power was an affront to white supremacy. Therefore, the white world never tires of punishing Haiti for the crime of black sovereignty. “Haiti is black, and we still haven’t forgiven Haiti for being black, nor have we forgiven the Almighty who made her black,” Douglass said.

In the foreword to the 1962 edition of The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Pan-African historian Rayford W. Logan noted that Douglass’ ambassadorial mission anticipated 20th-century political debates over the appointment of African-American ambassadors to postcolonial Africa countries. Of course, the analogy is more likely today than with the appointment of Negroes to the most prominent executive branch positions.

Similar debates repeat themselves: about the dilemma faced by racialists when crossing national borders; on America’s support for imperialism and its strength against the defense of black sovereignty and self-determination; and on the ethical obligations of two intertwined, if often offensive, approaches—the United States. and African Americans – as invoked in the context of struggles for a more equal and just world. It is a testament to Douglass’s diplomatic acumen that he can maintain his integrity while defending black sovereignty even while representing the United States. It is an indictment of the false loyalty of so many contemporary black politicians in not doing so.

Meanwhile, Haiti continues to be victimized, exploited and unforgivable.

The source:Boston review

Featured Image: Frederick Douglass and the Haitian Commission on the USS Tennessee in Key West (Florida’s Keys Public Library).

Peter James Hudson, Associate Professor of History and African American Studies at UCLA, is the author of Bankers and Empire: How Wall Street Colonized the Caribbean.

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keywords: #SaintDomingue, #Saint-Domingue, #revolution, #rebellion, #liberty, #freedom, #slave, #slavery, #free, #plantation, #colonies, #France, #FrenchRevolution, #L'Overture, #Dessalines, #Leclerc, #Napoleon, #empire, #rebels, #grandblanc, #petitblanc, #freepersonsofcolor, #JohnGreen, #crashcourse, #learn, #study, #AP, #WHAP, #exam, #test, #homeworkhelp, #History, #Documentary, #Culture, #Educational, #vlogbrothers

Ideas like liberty, freedom, and self-determination were hot stuff in the late 18th century, as evidenced by our recent revolutionary videos. Although freedom was breaking out all over, many of the societies that were touting these ideas relied on slave labor. Few places in the world relied so heavily on slave labor as Saint-Domingue, France’s most profitable colony. Slaves made up nearly 90% of Saint-Domingue’s population, and in 1789 they couldn’t help but hear about the revolution underway in France. All the talk of liberty, equality, and fraternity sound pretty good to a person in bondage, and so the slaves rebelled. This led to not one but two revolutions and ended up with France, the rebels, Britain, and Spain all fighting in the territory. Spoiler alert: the slaves won. So how did the slaves of what would become Haiti throw off the yoke of one of the world’s great empires? John Green tells how they did it, and what it has meant in Haiti and in the rest of the world.

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keywords: #chiasẻ, #điệnthoạicómáyảnh, #điệnthoạiquayvideo, #miễnphí, #tảilên

Slaves rebel in Saint-Domingue (Haiti). Rise of Toussaint L’Ouverture. Created by Sal Khan.

Watch the next lesson:

-https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/world-history/1600s-1800s/haitian-revolution/v/haitian-revolution-part-2?utm_source=YT\u0026utm_medium=Desc\u0026utm_campaign=worldhistory

Missed the previous lesson?

-https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/world-history/1600s-1800s/many-french-revolutions/v/les-miserables-and-france-s-many-revolutions?utm_source=YT\u0026utm_medium=Desc\u0026utm_campaign=worldhistory

World history on Khan Academy: Called the Great War (before World War II came about), World War I was the bloody wake-up call that humanity was entering into a new stage of civilization. Really the defining conflict that took Europe from 19th Century Imperial states that saw heroism in war into a modern shape. Unfortunately, it had to go through World War II as well (that some would argue was due to imbalances created by World War I).

About Khan Academy: Khan Academy offers practice exercises, instructional videos, and a personalized learning dashboard that empower learners to study at their own pace in and outside of the classroom. We tackle math, science, computer programming, history, art history, economics, and more. Our math missions guide learners from kindergarten to calculus using state-of-the-art, adaptive technology that identifies strengths and learning gaps. We’ve also partnered with institutions like NASA, The Museum of Modern Art, The California Academy of Sciences, and MIT to offer specialized content.

For free. For everyone. Forever. #YouCanLearnAnything

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keywords: #HughJackman, #WorldVision, #Haiti, #Haitirelief, #helpHaiti, #disasterrelief, #HughJackman(Celebrity), #Haiti(Country), #Port-au-Prince(City/Town/Village), #CharitableOrganization(Industry), #donate, #Earthquake(DisasterType)

Actor and World Vision ambassador, Hugh Jackman, asks you to respond to the devastating earthquake in Haiti. Make a difference for the people in Haiti.

Donate by calling toll free 1.888.511.6500 or donate online at

-http://bit.ly/HaitiQuakeRelief

Share this video message with your friends:

-http://bit.ly/HughforHaiti

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